Americans Are Critical Of Chinas Global Role As Well As Its Relationship With Russia

A large majority of American adults (83%) still have a negative view of China, and those with a very negative view (44%) are up 4 percentage points from last year. Also, about four in 10 Americans now identify China as an enemy of the United States rather than a competitor or partner, up 13 points from last year, according to a March 20-26, 2023 Pew Research Center survey.

People are very concerned about China's role in the world, both geopolitically and in specific issues. For example, after Chinese President Xi Jinping's recent visit to Moscow to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin, 62% of Americans view Sino-Russian cooperation as very serious for the United States, up 5 points from October and back to the original value. High scores after the invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

Concerns about tensions between the mainland and Taiwan are also high: even before Taiwan's President Tsai-Ing Wen visited the US, 47% said it was a very serious problem - 19 points more than their relatives. two years ago. Half of Americans are also concerned about China's human rights policies.

China's growing technological might is less of a concern than any other issue for many Americans, though four in 10 consider it very serious. However, about two-thirds of Americans know that TikTok's parent company, ByteDance, is based in China, and more Americans than ever believe the US government opposes a TikTok ban (March 28, 2018). 2019).% maybe not no)). This is especially true for those who know the app is Chinese-owned or have a negative view of China.

America has also criticized China's behavior on the international stage. Three-quarters or more said China ignores the interests of other countries, such as the US, interferes in other countries' affairs and does not contribute to world peace and stability.

Republicans and Republican-leaning independents view China's role in the world more negatively than Democrats and Democrats. Republicans are also more likely than Democrats to think that any problem in US-China relations is very serious to the US. In most cases, however, the differences are somewhat muted. For example, when it comes to China's contribution to world peace and stability, overwhelming majorities of Republicans (84%) and Democrats (80%) say it has little or nothing. Where the parts differ the most is the intensity of the feelings . Republicans are twice as likely as Democrats to say that China does not contribute to peace and stability at all (40% vs. 21%). And ideologically, conservative Republicans are often negative about China, even compared to more moderate and liberal Republicans. Nearly nine in 10 conservative Republicans say China contributes little or nothing to world peace and stability, compared with eight in 10 moderate and liberal Republicans.

In this context, America is somewhat skeptical about the possibility of cooperation with China. On issues such as international conflict resolution, climate change policy, and combating the spread of infectious diseases, Americans are more likely to believe that the United States can no more work with China than it can. However, the Americans welcome the possibility of cooperation with Beijing in two areas: student exchange and trade and economic policy.

However, not all groups are equally closed to the possibility of cooperation. For example, Democratic-leaning Democrats and independents are more likely to be willing to work with China on all of the key issues listed than Republicans or GOP supporters.

Younger Americans see more opportunities to work with China than older Americans, consistent with previous surveys showing that young people tend to be more positive about China and prioritize multilateralism. . And although people with a higher level of education are more critical of China on various issues and have more negative views of the country, they tend to be more open to criticism. US cooperation with China on issues affecting the less educated. .

That's one of the main findings of a new survey conducted by the American Representative American Trends Panel of 3,576 adults at the Pew Research Center from March 20-26, 2023. Other important findings include:

• Despite being relatively open to trade and economic cooperation with China , Americans benefit more from the current bilateral economic relationship than China does from the United States . , 23% believe it will benefit equally and 7% believe the United States will benefit more. And it's not just general trade skepticism: When asked the same question about the U.S.-Canada trade relationship, about half (48%) of Americans say the U.S. and Canada benefit equally, while only 14% believe Canada has benefited more.
• Few Americans trust Xi to do the right thing in world affairs , including nearly half who do not trust him at all.
• China's image of the United States' "hard" and "soft" power is mixed . Half of Americans think China's military is above average compared to other wealthy nations. But when it comes to the "soft power" picture, about two-thirds of Americans rate China's technological achievements above average, but say less about its universities (29%) or popular culture (14%). And 45% consider China's standard of living below average .
• Fewer Americans see China as the world's largest economy this year than last year. Today, 38% of respondents say China is the world's largest economy, compared to 48% naming the United States.

Adults in the United States still hold negative views of China

Negative views of China remain high: 83% of American adults have a negative view of the country, including 44% who have a very negative view (the highest percentage expressing this view since the center asked this question). Questions on the US Trends Commission's online site in 2020). Only 14% have a positive image of China, the lowest percentage since the move to online panels.

Older Americans have a more negative view of China than younger Americans: 91% of people over the age of 65 say they have a negative view of the country, compared to 75% of those aged 18-29. While older Americans' negative feelings toward China have remained largely unchanged in recent years, younger adults have become slightly more negative over the past two years, rising from 68% to 75%.

Although young adults view China somewhat more warmly than older adults, focus groups conducted with young adults last winter highlighted critical and nuanced views of China among young Americans. China is often seen as a "world factory" characterized by its economic power. Young Americans are also worried about the threat China may pose - both to military security and cyber security. Few young people see the United States and China competing on the world stage.

As is often the case, Republicans and independents are more likely to have negative views of China (89%) than Democrats and pro-democracy independents (81%). Among Republicans, about two-thirds of conservatives are against China, far more than the 43% of moderate or liberal Republicans who say the same. Majorities of Democrats are also more negative than positive about China, although no more than a third have very negative views of the country.

American adults with a bachelor's degree or higher (87%) are more likely to have negative views of China than those with a bachelor's degree or less (82%).

Americans see China as a competitor rather than an enemy, although the proportion of those who identify themselves as an enemy has increased in recent years.

When asked to describe China as a competitor, adversary, or partner of the United States, Americans are most likely to say China is a competitor (52%). Down 10 percentage points from last year, when 62% of Americans saw China as a competitor. However, the proportion naming China as an enemy rose 13 points from 25% to 38% in March 2022 – the highest level since 2021. Only 6% saw China as a partner of the United States.

Democrats are significantly more likely than Republicans to rate China as a competitor (64% vs. 41%), although the proportion of respondents has dropped 9 percentage points since last year. At the same time, the proportion of Democrats who see China as a rival rose from 12% to 27%. Among Republicans, China is the enemy of the United States, with 53% identifying China as an enemy, 11 points more than last year.

Older Americans are more likely than younger Americans to view China as a rival: Half of those over 65 say so, compared to only a quarter of adults under 30 (54% vs. 23%).

China's international ambitions are viewed negatively

Most Americans criticize China's interactions with other countries. Eight in ten say China has not contributed much to world peace and stability, while about three in ten (29%) say China has contributed nothing .

Majorities of Democrats and Republicans say China contributes little to global stability, but conservative Republicans are more likely than any other advocate to oppose China's contribution: 89% of conservative Republicans say China contributes little to world peace and stability. By comparison, eight in ten Republicans and moderate and liberal Democrats of all ideologies say the same.

Young Americans between the ages of 18 and 29 are the least critical of China's contribution to international stability: 70 percent say China does not make much of a contribution, compared with eight in 10 parents who say the same. Better-educated Americans are also more likely than less-educated Americans to say that China has made little contribution to world peace and stability.

A large majority of Americans (77%) say China does not put the interests of other countries as highly as the United States when making foreign policy decisions, and a third say China does not care when other countries' interests are at stake. Conservative Republicans are more likely to agree than moderate Republicans or Democrats, as are older and more educated Americans.

Three-quarters of American adults also say China is meddling in other countries' affairs. Among them, more than three out of ten said that China played a large role. A higher proportion of Republicans believe that China is at least somewhat more involved in the affairs of other countries than Democrats, but there are significant divisions within the party. Conservative Republicans tend to say that China is meddling in other countries' affairs, followed by liberal Democrats. Moderate and liberal Republicans will hold the same views as conservative and moderate Democrats. Older or more educated Americans might say that China is at least involved.

Americans who view Taiwan positively are more likely to say that China is meddling in other countries' affairs. China recently warned Taiwan's President Tsai Ing-Wen not to stop in the US and meet with House Speaker Kevin McCarthy. Then-President Nancy Pelosi also responded to her August 2022 visit to Taiwan with major military exercises across Taiwan.

Concerns about tensions in China-Taiwan relations have also increased, with a record proportion of Americans saying Taiwan Strait tensions are a very serious issue (47%). Such concerns about close China-Taiwan relations are more common among Americans who have a positive view of Taiwan, as well as among Republicans and those over 65.

Sino-Russian relations are also a serious concern: 62% of respondents said that China's cooperation with Russia is a very serious concern in the United States, up 5 percentage points from October 2022 and back to the most recent record in March 2022. Ukraine begins. Chinese President Xi visited Russia and met Russian President Putin during the investigation in March. The Ministry of Defense also announced in February that China did not rule out providing "lethal assistance" to Russia to expand into Ukraine.

Republicans are more likely than Democrats to see China's cooperation with Russia as a very serious problem for the U.S., although at least six in 10 on both sides share that view. Older Americans also take partnerships very seriously.

Americans no longer see China as the world's largest economy, but they still see its economic power as a problem for the United States.

Americans are 10 points more likely to identify the United States as the world's largest economy than China, a significant change from last year, when the two were considered equal. Since then, China has experienced moderate economic growth after the "zero-COVID" policy was lifted.

Half of Democrats (52%) say the United States is the world's largest economy, and a third say China is number one. Republicans are more divided: 46% say the United States is the number one power and 45% say China.

Men are more likely than women to say the United States is the world's largest economy (57% versus 40%), and women are more likely than women to say China is the world's largest economy (43% versus 34%). Older adults are more likely than younger adults to say the United States is the most important economic power.

However, Americans are generally concerned about economic competition with China. About eight in ten (81%) say it's a somewhat serious problem, including one-third (36%) who say it's a very serious problem for any state in the United States. say it's a very serious problem As of October 2022, the percentage of Americans who see economic competition with China as at least a serious problem has not changed much since 2020.

Concerns about economic competition are very high among those who name China the world's largest economy: 44% of Americans who name China the world's largest economy say that economic competition with China is a very serious problem. A third or less of those who ranked the United States, Japan or the European Union first said the same.

Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say economic competition with China is very serious. This is especially true for conservative Republicans, who are 17% more likely than moderates or liberals to view competition with China as a very serious problem.

When asked whether the U.S. would benefit most from trade with China—the U.S., China, both countries, or neither—nearly half of Americans (47%) said China was doing more business. Only 7% believe the United States will benefit the most. Another quarter of Americans (23%) say both countries benefit equally, and only 2% say neither country benefits.

Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say most of the benefits of US-China trade go to China (61% vs. 37%), while Democrats are more likely than Republicans to say both countries benefit from trade equally (29). % vs. .17) %). ). Men and older Americans are also more likely to see China as the biggest beneficiary of trade, as are Americans who have a negative view of the current state of the United States economy.

To test whether attitudes about the benefits of trade are more closely related to China or trade policy more generally, we include comparative questions about trade with Canada, the United States' second largest trading partner. And Americans see a much more balanced trade relationship with Canada. Nearly half (48%) believe both countries would benefit equally, more than twice as likely to say the same about trade with China. Only 14% say Canada has an advantage over the United States

Specifically, there was no significant partisan difference in the proportions saying the United States and Canada benefited from trade with each other, although Republicans were more likely than Democrats to say Canada was the main beneficiary (20% to 9% respectively).

Americans offer mixed assessments of China's "soft" and "hard" power.

"Soft power" - or a country's ability to influence through gravitational pull - usually means what people see of a country with technology, popular culture, universities and other positive labels. A mixed picture emerges when the US assesses China's "soft power". Americans appreciate China's technological advances, but misjudge or lack knowledge of its popular culture, including universities and living standards. Americans also see China's military - or "hard power" - as relatively strong compared to other wealthy nations.

Two-thirds of Americans say China's technological achievements are the best or average for other rich countries. Another 17% described them as average, with only 5% saying they were below average or worse (10% were not sure). Opinions hardly differ on age group, education level or supporters.

Nearly three in 10 Americans think Chinese universities are above average, and a similar proportion (28%) say so. A few (11%) said they were below average and three in 10 were not sure.

Only 14% describe China's entertainment, including film, music and television, as average at best or average compared to other rich countries. A third (30%) said it was average, and an almost equal proportion said this pop culture product was below average or worse (29%) (a quarter were not sure). Younger Americans were slightly more likely than older Americans to praise Chinese pop culture products, although older Americans also said they were unsure. .

Few Americans (11%) see China's standard of living as high compared to other developed countries. While a quarter describe China's standard of living as average (26%), most Americans (40%) describe it as below average. Republicans are more likely than Democrats to see them as below average or worst in the world (52% vs. 41%), and conservative Republicans (56%) are slightly more likely than moderates or liberals (48%), conservatives, or moderate Democrats (48%). ( 39% or the liberal democrats (45%) hold this position. The elderly are more likely than the young to perceive that China's standard of living is lower than that of other developed countries.

Half of Americans (51%) say China's military is at best or above average, although few (3%) describe it as "the best" (in a 2021 survey, 44% of Americans rated the US military as best described). . Older Americans are more likely to say China's military is top-notch or above average: 60% of people over 65 say so, compared to half or less in other age groups. Republicans describe China as a superior military (56%) more than Democrats (49%), and conservative Republicans (59%) stand out over moderate and liberal Republicans (51%). Men are also more likely than women to feel this way (59% vs. 44%), although women also report feeling insecure.

However, especially when it comes to China's military or technology, China's power in the region may not appeal to America and may cause concern. For example, 84% of Americans describe China's military as a serious or fairly serious problem for the United States, and 44% say it is very serious. And those who see China's military as one of the best in the world are much more likely than those who see it as sophisticated enough to say that China's military could pose a very serious threat to the United States.

Regarding China's growing technological power, 83% of Americans describe it as a very or moderately serious problem for the United States, with 40% saying it is very serious. Americans are also more than two to one in favor of the US government banning TikTok. This support is linked to opinion about China: those who know that the app's parent company, ByteDance, is based in China and who have a negative opinion of the country are more likely to ban support for social media platforms.

Americans are also very wary of Chinese social media companies. Nearly nine in ten respondents (88%) said they had little or no confidence in their compliance with their privacy policies when it comes to personal data, with 59% saying they had no confidence at all. A majority (87%) also do not believe that Chinese social media companies will use their personal data appropriately, including 58% who do not trust these companies to handle their data. And, although this is partly revealing of a general skepticism when it comes to the operation of social media companies, the Americans still clearly have less confidence in the Chinese social media companies for making these choices than in the American media companies.

China's politics and human rights are tarnishing its image. About half of Americans see China's politics and human rights issues as very serious concerns for the United States. That's 5 percentage points more than the share that did the same in October 2022. Those who say that China's political and human rights problems pose a very serious problem for the US, 15 points plus vulnerable, which ceux qui les consirent comme un problème moins grave de voir la China d'un œil défavorable.

Republicans are more likely than Democrats to view Chinese politics and human rights as very serious, but there are significant differences within each party. Républicains conservateurs et les démocrates libéraux sont tous deux are more vulnerable than their more moderate counterparts when it comes to considering les politiques des droits de l'homme en China comme un problem très grave.

Half of Americans do not trust Xi Jinping

Approximately, 3 quarters of American adults (77%) not aucuneconfance dans le presidente chinois Xi Jinping pour faire ce qu'il fautconcernant les affairs mondiale, dont environ la moitie (47%) qui n'expression aucuneconfance. Only 8% of Americans trust Chinese executives. And 13% of Americans say they have never heard of Xi.

The Pew Research Center has been asking questions about Xi's views in the US since 2014, a year after he first took office. À through these telephone and online polls, the Americans still have little trust in Xi. However, this year, the explicit permission to enter an option is not the reason for "jamais entendu parler de cette personne".

Older Americans — those in their 50s — are more vulnerable than their older counterparts, saying they lack confidence in Xi's ability to do what it takes to influence global affairs. For example, 55% of American adults aged 65 and older agree, compared to 32% of those aged 18-29. However, les jeunes Americas are even more vulnerable that they have never heard of Xi (27%) than those of any other age. the team

Das Vertrauen in den chinischen Präsidenten varies also depending on the partisanship: 57% of the Republicans have no confidence in Xi, compared to 40% of the Democrats. Among the republicans, the conservatives are the most sensitive to having no trust in Xi (63%), against the moderates or the liberals (47%). And among the democrats, the liberals tend to express globally less distrust in Xi (45%) than the conservatives or the moderates (36%).

Americans with einem Universitätsabschluss oder höher haben eine negativere Meinung über den chineschen Staatschef als enijens, die einem Universitätsabschluss oder weniger haben (84% and 74%).

It has been a partnership between the United States and the United States of China

Five possible domains of cooperation have been discussed in the United States of China and the United States, while the United States of America experiences skepticism about cooperation related to the majority of questions. Die Amerikaner sagen eher, dass die Vereinigte Staaten und China nicht zusammenarbeiten können, um internationale Konflikte zu lösen (54%) oder in der Klimapolitik (52%) zu cooperieren. The United States and China had previously published a joint climate agreement for 2021, and the climate talks between the two countries were resumed at the end of the last year after Nancy Pelosi's visit to Taiwan had been suspended.

A similar part affirms that the two countries cannot cooperate in the fight against the spread of infectious diseases. Und im Jahr 2020 erklärten around 10 Americans, dass Chinas initial Management of the Coronavirus-Epidemie in Wuhan at least zu einem guten Teil zur weltweiten Ausbreitung der Krankheit beigetragen habe.

The Americans look optimistically at the cooperation with China in the Handels- und Wirtschaftspolitik und bei Studentenaustauschprogrammen. Au moins la moitie say that the two countries can cooperate on every question. Aber noch im Jahr 2021, les Américains Pensaient qu'il était more important for les États Unis d'être Durs Envers La China in matière de politique commerciale et économique que de se concentré sur la construction d'une more solid relationship. This same year, a majority of Americans supported the limits imposed on Chinese students in American universities.

The Republicans are more skeptical about the ability of the United States to work with China on these issues than the Democrats. The difference is the biggest when it comes to cooperating to manage the spread of infectious diseases (65% of Republicans think that countries can't cooperate against 43% of Democrats who say the same thing) and the policy on changement climatique (63% against 44%). Americans who say that the United States should not compromise with other countries when making decisions on foreign policy are also more susceptible than those who say that the United States should take into account the interests of other countries in their foreign policy to say that the United States and China cannot cooperate on each of the five issues.

Comme pour d'autres problèmes dans les relations américano-chinoises, les Américains plus âgés sont plus sceptiques quant à la coopération des États-Unis avec la Chine que les jeunes Américains. Par exemple, 51 % des Américains âgés de 65 ans et plus disent que les États-Unis et la Chine ne peuvent pas coopérer en matière de politique commerciale et économique, tandis que 27 % des Américains de 18 à 29 ans disent la même chose (une différence de 24 points de pourcentage).

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